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Educational - submitted by a Comrade from educational
material. The Enlightenment OF the Enlightment! http://www.wsu.edu/~brians/hum_303/enlightenment.html
The Enlightenment Although the intellectual
movement called "The Enlightenment" is usually associated with the 18th century,
its roots in fact go back much further. But before we explore those roots, we
need to define the term. This is one of those rare historical movements which
in fact named itself. Certain thinkers and writers, primarily in London and Paris,
believed that they were more enlightened than their compatriots and set out to
enlighten them. They believed that human reason could be used to combat
ignorance, superstition, and tyranny and to build a better world. Their principal
targets were religion (embodied in France in the Catholic Church) and the domination
of society by a hereditary aristocracy. Background in Antiquity
To understand why this movement became so influential in the 18th century, it
is important to go back in time. We could choose almost any starting point, but
let us begin with the recovery of Aristotelian logic by Thomas Aquinas in the
13th century. In his hands the logical procedures so carefully laid out by the
ancient Greek philosopher Aristotle were used to defend the dogmas of Christianity;
and for the next couple of centuries, other thinkers pursued these goals to shore
up every aspect of faith with logic. These thinkers were sometimes called "schoolmen"
(more formally, "scholastics,") and Voltaire frequently refers to them as "doctors,"
by which he means "doctors of theology." Unfortunately for the Catholic
Church, the tools of logic could not be confined to the uses it preferred. After
all, they had been developed in Athens, in a pagan culture which had turned them
on its own traditional beliefs. It was only a matter of time before later Europeans
would do the same. The Renaissance Humanists In the 14th and 15th
century there emerged in Italy and France a group of thinkers known as the "humanists."
The term did not then have the anti-religious associations it has in contemporary
political debate. Almost all of them were practicing Catholics. They argued that
the proper worship of God involved admiration of his creation, and in particular
of that crown of creation: humanity. By celebrating the human race and its capacities
they argued they were worshipping God more appropriately than gloomy priests and
monks who harped on original sin and continuously called upon people to confess
and humble themselves before the Almighty. Indeed, some of them claimed that humans
were like God, created not only in his image, but with a share of his creative
power. The painter, the architect, the musician, and the scholar, by exercising
their intellectual powers, were fulfilling divine purposes. This celebration
of human capacity, though it was mixed in the Renaissance with elements of gloom
and superstition (witchcraft trials flourished in this period as they never had
during the Middle Ages), was to bestow a powerful legacy on Europeans. The goal
of Renaissance humanists was to recapture some of the pride, breadth of spirit,
and creativity of the ancient Greeks and Romans, to replicate their successes
and go beyond them. Europeans developed the belief that tradition could and should
be used to promote change. By cleaning and sharpening the tools of antiquity,
they could reshape their own time. Galileo Galilei Galileo Galilei,
for instance, was to use the same sort of logic the schoolmen had used--reinforced
with observation--to argue in 1632 for the Copernican notion that the earth rotates
on its axis beneath the unmoving sun. The Church, and most particularly the Holy
Inquisition, objected that the Bible clearly stated that the sun moved through
the sky and denounced Galileo's teachings, forcing him to recant (take back) what
he had written and preventing him from teaching further. The Church's triumph
was a pyrrhic victory, for though it could silence Galileo, it could not prevent
the advance of science (though most of those advances would take place in Protestant
northern Europe, out of the reach of the pope and his Inquisition). But
before Galileo's time, in the 16th century, various humanists had begun to ask
dangerous questions. François Rabelais, a French monk and physician influenced
by Protestantism, but spurred on by his own rebelliousness, challenged the Church's
authority in his Gargantua and Pantagruel, ridiculing many religious doctrines
as absurd. Michel de Montaigne Michel de Montaigne, in a much more
quiet and modest but ultimately more subversive way, asked a single question over
and over again in his Essays: "What do I know?" By this he meant that we have
no right to impose on others dogmas which rest on cultural habit rather than absolute
truth. Powerfully influenced by the discovery of thriving non-Christian cultures
in places as far off as Brazil, he argued that morals may be to some degree relative.
Who are Europeans to insist that Brazilian cannibals who merely consume dead human
flesh instead of wasting it are morally inferior to Europeans who persecute and
oppress those of whom they disapprove? This shift toward cultural relativism,
though it was based on scant understanding of the newly discovered peoples, was
to continue to have a profound effect on European thought to the present day.
Indeed, it is one of the hallmarks of the Enlightenment. Just as their predecessors
had used the tools of antiquity to gain unprecedented freedom of inquiry, the
Enlightenment thinkers used the examples of other cultures to gain the freedom
to reshape not only their philosophies, but their societies. It was becoming clear
that there was nothing inevitable about the European patterns of thought and living:
there were many possible ways of being human, and doubtless new ones could be
invented. The other contribution of Montaigne to the Enlightenment stemmed
from another aspect of his famous question: "What do I know?" If we cannot be
certain that our values are God-given, then we have no right to impose them by
force on others. Inquisitors, popes, and kings alike had no business enforcing
adherence to particular religious or philosophical beliefs. It is one
of the great paradoxes of history that radical doubt was necessary for the new
sort of certainty called "scientific." The good scientist is the one is willing
to test all assumptions, to challenge all traditional opinion, to get closer to
the truth. If ultimate truth, such as was claimed by religious thinkers, was unattainable
by scientists, so much the better. In a sense, the strength of science at its
best is that it is always aware of its limits, aware that knowledge is always
growing, always subject to change, never absolute. Because knowledge depends on
evidence and reason, arbitrary authority can only be its enemy. The 17th
Century René Descartes, in the 17th century, attempted to use reason
as the schoolmen had, to shore up his faith; but much more rigorously than had
been attempted before. He tried to begin with a blank slate, with the bare minimum
of knowledge: the knowledge of his own existence ("I think, therefore I am").
From there he attempted to reason his way to a complete defense of Christianity,
but to do so he committed so many logical faults that his successors over the
centuries were to slowly disintegrate his gains, even finally challenging the
notion of selfhood with which he had begun. The history of philosophy from his
time to the early 20th century is partly the story of more and more ingenious
logic proving less and less, until Ludwig Wittgenstein succeeded in undermining
the very bases of philosophy itself. But that is a story for a different
course. Here we are concerned with early stages in the process in which it seemed
that logic could be a powerful avenue to truth. To be sure, logic alone could
be used to defend all sorts of absurd notions; and Enlightenment thinkers insisted
on combining it with something they called "reason" which consisted of common
sense, observation, and their own unacknowledged prejudices in favor of skepticism
and freedom. We have been focusing closely on a thin trickle of thought
which traveled through an era otherwise dominated by dogma and fanaticism. The
17th century was torn by witch-hunts and wars of religion and imperial conquest.
Protestants and Catholics denounced each other as followers of Satan, and people
could be imprisoned for attending the wrong church, or for not attending any.
All publications, whether pamphlets or scholarly volumes, were subject to prior
censorship by both church and state, often working hand in hand. Slavery was widely
practiced, especially in the colonial plantations of the Western Hemisphere, and
its cruelties frequently defended by leading religious figures. The despotism
of monarchs exercising far greater powers than any medieval king was supported
by the doctrine of the "divine right of kings," and scripture quoted to show that
revolution was detested by God. Speakers of sedition or blasphemy quickly found
themselves imprisoned, or even executed. Organizations which tried to challenge
the twin authorities of church and state were banned. There had been plenty of
intolerance and dogma to go around in the Middle Ages, but the emergence of the
modern state made its tyranny much more efficient and powerful. It was
inevitable that sooner or later many Europeans would begin to weary of the repression
and warfare carried out in the name of absolute truth. In addition, though Protestants
had begun by making powerful critiques of Catholicism, they quickly turned their
guns on each other, producing a bewildering array of churches each claiming the
exclusive path to salvation. It was natural for people tossed from one demanding
faith to another to wonder whether any of the churches deserved the authority
they claimed, and to begin to prize the skepticism of Montaigne over the certainty
of Luther or Calvin. Meanwhile, there were other powerful forces at work
in Europe: economic ones which were to interact profoundly with these intellectual
trends. The Political and Economic Background During the late Middle
Ages, peasants had begun to move from rural estates to the towns in search of
increased freedom and prosperity. As trade and communication improved during the
Renaissance, the ordinary town-dweller began to realize that things need not always
go on as they had for centuries. New charters could be written, new governments
formed, new laws passed, new businesses begun. Although each changed institution
quickly tried to stabilize its power by claiming the support of tradition, the
pressure for change continued to mount. It was not only contact with alien cultural
patterns which influenced Europeans, it was the wealth brought back from Asia
and the Americas which catapulted a new class of merchants into prominence, partially
displacing the old aristocracy whose power had been rooted in the ownership of
land. These merchants had their own ideas about the sort of world they wanted
to inhabit, and they became major agents of change, in the arts, in government,
and in the economy. They were naturally convinced that their earnings were
the result of their individual merit and hard work, unlike the inherited wealth
of traditional aristocrats. Whereas individualism had been chiefly emphasized
in the Renaissance by artists, especially visual artists, it now became a core
value. The ability of individual effort to transform the world became a European
dogma, lasting to this day. But the chief obstacles to the reshaping of
Europe by the merchant class were the same as those faced by the rationalist philosophers:
absolutist kings and dogmatic churches. The struggle was complex and many-sided,
with each participant absorbing many of the others' values; but the general trend
is clear: individualism, freedom and change replaced community, authority, and
tradition as core European values. Religion survived, but weakened and often transformed
almost beyond recognition; the monarchy was to dwindle over the course of the
hundred years beginning in the mid-18th century to a pale shadow of its former
self. This is the background of the 18th-century Enlightenment. Europeans
were changing, but Europe's institutions were not keeping pace with that change.
The Church insisted that it was the only source of truth, that all who lived outside
its bounds were damned, while it was apparent to any reasonably sophisticated
person that most human beings on earth were not and had never been Christians--yet
they had built great and inspiring civilizations. Writers and speakers grew restive
at the omnipresent censorship and sought whatever means they could to evade or
even denounce it. Most important, the middle classes--the bourgeoisie--were
painfully aware that they were paying taxes to support a fabulously expensive
aristocracy which contributed nothing of value to society (beyond, perhaps, its
patronage of the arts, which the burghers of Holland had shown could be equally
well exercised by themselves), and that those useless aristocrats were unwilling
to share power with those who actually managed and--to their way of thinking,--created
the national wealth. They were to find ready allies in France among the impoverished
masses who may have lived and thought much like their ancestors, but who were
all too aware that with each passing year they were paying higher and higher taxes
to support a few thousand at Versailles in idle dissipation. The Role of
the Aristocrats Interestingly, it was among those very idle aristocrats
that the French Enlightenment philosophers were to find some of their earliest
and most enthusiastic followers. Despite the fact that the Church and State were
more often than not allied with each other, they were keenly aware of their differences.
Even kings could on occasion be attracted by arguments which seemed to undermine
the authority of the Church. The fact that the aristocrats were utterly unaware
of the precariousness of their position also made them overconfident, interested
in dabbling in the new ideas partly simply because they were new and exciting.
Voltaire moved easily in these aristocratic circles, dining at their tables, taking
a titled mistress, corresponding with monarchs. He opposed tyranny and dogma,
but he had no notion of reinventing that discredited Athenian folly, democracy.
He had far too little faith in the ordinary person for that. What he did think
was that educated and sophisticated persons could be brought to see through the
exercise of their reason that the world could and should be greatly improved.
Rousseau vs. Voltaire Not all Enlightenment thinkers were like
Voltaire in this. His chief adversary was Jean-Jacques Rousseau, who distrusted
the aristocrats not out of a thirst for change but because he believed they were
betraying decent traditional values. He opposed the theater which was Voltaire's
lifeblood, shunned the aristocracy which Voltaire courted, and argued for something
dangerously like democratic revolution. Whereas Voltaire argued that equality
was impossible, Rousseau argued that inequality was not only unnatural, but that--when
taken too far--it made decent government impossible. Whereas Voltaire charmed
with his wit, Rousseau ponderously insisted on his correctness, even while contradicting
himself. Whereas Voltaire insisted on the supremacy of the intellect, Rousseau
emphasized the emotions, becoming a contributor to both the Enlightenment and
its successor, romanticism. And whereas Voltaire endlessly repeated the same handful
of core Enlightenment notions, Rousseau sparked off original thoughts in all directions:
ideas about education, the family, government, the arts, and whatever else attracted
his attention. For all their personal differences, the two shared more
values than they liked to acknowledge. They viewed absolute monarchy as dangerous
and evil and rejected orthodox Christianity. Though Rousseau often struggled to
seem more devout, he was almost as much a skeptic as Voltaire: the minimalist
faith both shared was called "deism," and it was eventually to transform European
religion and have powerful influences on other aspects of society as well.
Across the border in Holland, the merchants, who exercised most political power,
there made a successful industry out of publishing books that could not be printed
in countries like France. Dissenting religious groups mounted radical attacks
on Christian orthodoxy. The Enlightenment in England Meanwhile Great
Britain had developed its own Enlightenment, fostered by thinkers like the English
thinker John Locke, the Scot David Hume, and many others. England had anticipated
the rest of Europe by deposing and decapitating its king back in the 17th century.
Although the monarchy had eventually been restored, this experience created a
certain openness toward change in many places that could not be entirely extinguished.
English Protestantism struggled to express itself in ways that widened the limits
of freedom of speech and press. Radical Quakers and Unitarians broke open old
dogmas in ways that Voltaire was to find highly congenial when he found himself
there in exile. The English and French Enlightenments exchanged influences through
many channels, Voltaire not least among them. Because England had gotten
its revolution out of the way early, it was able to proceed more smoothly and
gradually down the road to democracy; but English liberty was dynamite when transported
to France, where resistance by church and state was fierce to the last possible
moment. The result was ironically that while Britain remained saturated with class
privilege and relatively pious, France was to become after its own revolution
the most egalitarian and anticlerical state in Europe--at least in its ideals.
The power of religion and the aristocracy diminished gradually in England; in
France they were violently uprooted. The Enlightenment in America
Meanwhile, across the Atlantic, many of the intellectual leaders of the American
colonies were drawn to the Enlightenment. The colonies may have been founded by
leaders of various dogmatic religious persuasions, but when it became necessary
to unite against England, it was apparent that no one of them could prevail over
the others, and that the most desirable course was to agree to disagree. Nothing
more powerfully impelled the movement toward the separation of church and state
than the realization that no one church could dominate this new state.
Many of the most distinguished leaders of the American revolution--Jefferson,
Washington, Franklin, Paine--were powerfully influenced by English and--to a lesser
extent--French Enlightenment thought. The God who underwrites the concept of equality
in the Declaration of Independence is the same deist God Rousseau worshipped,
not that venerated in the traditional churches which still supported and defended
monarchies all over Europe. Jefferson and Franklin both spent time in France--a
natural ally because it was a traditional enemy of England--absorbing the influence
of the French Enlightenment. The language of natural law, of inherent freedoms,
of self-determination which seeped so deeply into the American grain was the language
of the Enlightenment, though often coated with a light glaze of traditional religion,
what has been called our "civil religion." This is one reason that Americans
should study the Enlightenment. It is in their bones. It has defined part of what
they have dreamed of, what they aim to become. Separated geographically from most
of the aristocrats against whom they were rebelling, their revolution was to be
far less corrosive--and at first less influential--than that in France. The
Struggle in Europe But we need to return to the beginning of the story,
to Voltaire and his allies in France, struggling to assert the values of freedom
and tolerance in a culture where the twin fortresses of monarchy and Church opposed
almost everything they stood for. To oppose the monarchy openly would be fatal;
the Church was an easier target. Protestantism had made religious controversy
familiar. Voltaire could skillfully cite one Christian against another to make
his arguments. One way to undermine the power of the Church was to undermine its
credibility, and thus Voltaire devoted a great deal of his time to attacking the
fundamentals of Christian belief: the inspiration of the Bible, the incarnation
of God in Jesus Christ, the damnation of unbelievers. No doubt he relished this
battle partly for its own sake, but he never lost sight of his central goal: the
toppling of Church power to increase the freedom available to Europeans.
Voltaire was joined by a band of rebellious thinkers known as the philosophes:
Charles de Montesquieu, Pierre Bayle, Jean d'Alembert, and many lesser lights.
Although "philosophe" literally means "philosopher" we use the French word in
English to designate this particular group of French 18th-century thinkers. Because
Denis Diderot commissioned many of them to write for his influential Encyclopedia,
they are also known as "the Encyclopedists." The Heritage of the Enlightenment
Today the Enlightenment is often viewed as a historical anomaly, a brief
moment when a number of thinkers infatuated with reason vainly supposed that the
perfect society could be built on common sense and tolerance, a fantasy which
collapsed amid the Terror of the French Revolution and the triumphal sweep of
Romanticism. Religious thinkers repeatedly proclaim the Enlightenment dead, Marxists
denounce it for promoting the ideals and power of the bourgeoisie at the expense
of the working classes, postcolonial critics reject its idealization of specifically
European notions as universal truths, and postructuralists reject its entire concept
of rational thought. Yet in many ways, the Enlightenment has never been
more alive. The notions of human rights it developed are powerfully attractive
to oppressed peoples everywhere, who appeal to the same notion of natural law
that so inspired Voltaire and Jefferson. Wherever religious conflicts erupt, mutual
religious tolerance is counseled as a solution. Rousseau's notions of self-rule
are ideals so universal that the worst tyrant has to disguise his tyrannies by
claiming to be acting on their behalf. European these ideas may be, but they have
also become global. Whatever their limits, they have formed the consensus of international
ideals by which modern states are judged. Created by Paul Brians March 11,
1998. Last revised May 18, 2000. * * * * For educational purposes - a brief outline of the Philosophies of modern times
starting with the Enlightenment The characteristics
of the Enlightenment are a scepticism towards the doctrines of the church, individualism,
a belief in science and the experimental method, the use of reason, that education
could be a catalyst of social change and the demand for political representation.
Its main social and political consequence was the French revolution. The core period of the Enlightenment was second half of
the eighteenth century. The thinkers associated with the Enlightenment include
d'Holbach (1723-89) and the Encyclopedists in France, David Hume (1711-76) in
Scotland and Kant
in Germany. To understand the Enlightenment we have to look at what preceded it.
The battle of ideas that was to culminate in
the Enlightenment began in the seventeenth century. Francis Bacon (1561-1626)
advocated the use of scientific method and René Descartes (1596-1650) proposed
a critical rationalism.
The Enlightenment can be understood as the culmination of the move away from the
authority and dogmatism of the mediaeval and the awakening of modernity. Medieval philosophy combined Christian beliefs with the ideas of Plato and
Aristotle. In the medieval world philosophers respected their predecessors and
accepted their methods. If a new discovery about nature contradicted one of Aristotle's
principles, for example, it would probably have been assumed that it was the discovery
that was in error. Enlightenment thinkers were not content to accept appeals
to Aristotle's authority. It could be seen that using experimental methods science
was progressing and increasing our understanding of nature, which could not have
been done without rejecting some of Aristotle's assumptions. It was not
only Aristotle that was being questioned, using reason and logic philosophers
criticised political and religious ideas. What rational answer is there for the
justification of monarchy or that you should choose one type of religion over
another? A Rationalist is a philosopher
who believes that we can gain knowledge by the use of reason alone, without reference
to the external world. Rationalism has a long history in philosophy, Plato
(c. 427-347 BC) was a rationalist. René Descartes (1596-1650), the "father
of modern philosophy" was the first modern rationalist. He felt that philosophy
should move away from the beliefs of the medieval scholastics and found itself
on firm foundations. He was looking for certainty, and used his method of doubt
to try and find what was indubitable. He imagined that his whole life could
be a hallucination caused by a "malicious demon". If this was the case, what could
he be sure of? Descartes realised that he could not doubt that he was thinking,
as doubt is a type of thought. So, without any reference to the external world
Descartes was sure that he had found a basic truth that could not be questioned.
Of course once he released that he was thinking he could no longer doubt that
he existed (something must be doing the thinking). This enabled him to build up
a philosophical system based on thought alone. Once Descartes had reintroduced,
critical questioning into philosophy the scene was set for the hundred-year struggle
that was to lead to the Enlightenment. Other rationalist philosophers include
Spinoza, Leibniz, Kant and Hegel. Empiricism
is the belief that all knowledge comes from experience. The "empirical world"
is the world of the senses, i.e. the world we can see, feel, touch, hear and smell.
John Locke (1632-1704) thought that the human mind at birth was a tabula
rasa (blank tablet) on which experience writes the general principles and details
of all knowledge. This is completely opposite to the rationalists (see above).
Whereas a rationalist would attempt to find knowledge by thought alone, an empiricist
would use the methods of the experimental sciences. This emphasis on science
and experiment is one of the characteristics of the Enlightenment. D'Holbach (1723-89)
published his Systèm de la nature (1770) in which he asserted that explanations
of nature should not be sought in traditional beliefs or the "revelations" of
the church, but through the application of scientific method It was not
until Kant (See later) that empiricist and rationalist strains were bought together.
The Encyclopédie ou Dictionnaire
Raisonné des Sciences, des Arts et des Métiers was published in
seventeen volumes between 1751 and 1765. Its aim was to provide information on
every sphere of knowledge, and in particular to promote the application of science
in industry, trade and the arts. It is seen by many as epitomising the sprit of
the Enlightenment. Denis Diderot (1713-1784)
was the main editor. He was a committed empiricist
and wrote on philosophy, religion, political theory and literature. He was highly
critical of the church's influence on ideas. Voltaire
(pen name of François-Marie Arouet) (1694-1778) also edited and contributed
to the Encyclopédie. He was anti-Christian and critical of the clergy,
the king and the privileges of the nobility. He was highly influential in the
rise of liberal thought in continental Europe. Jean-Jacques Rousseau (1712-1778)
wrote on music and political economy. Later he quarrelled with Diderot and came
to regard the Encyclopédie as the work of the devil. Rousseau was
not alone. In 1752 and 1759 the Jesuits managed to suppress publication, although
in each case for only a short period. Diderot however remained firm and by 1772
a further eleven volumes of plates were published. Diderot's ambition "to change
accepted habits of thought" was in largely successful. Some statements we judge to be true or false in relation
to facts in the world, for example that you are now in reading this book. That
you are reading this book is called by philosophers a synthetic truth. Other
statements we judge to be true due to the meanings of the words involved. We can
know that the sentence "All bachelors are unmarried." is true without having to
do a survey of bachelors, because the sentence is true by definition. It is an
analytic truth. Synthetic truths are "truths of fact" and analytic truths
are "truths of reason". We use empirical methods to verify synthetic statements
and rationalist methods to verify analytic statements. Kant was the first
to use the terms Synthetic and Analytic. He pointed out that all analytic truths
are necessary, that is, they could not have been otherwise. If you agree that
the definition of a bachelor is an unmarried man, then it stands to reason that
all bachelors are unmarried. Synthetic statements are not necessary. Philosophers
use the word contingent to describe something that is not necessary. It is not
necessarily true that you are reading this webpage: you could be reading a printout,
for example. It is important to make the analytic/synthetic distinction
in argument. If you try to argue that something is true you need to be clear about
whether you are saying something about the empirical world, or whether you are
clarifying the meanings of words. It would do you no good for example to hunt
for a bachelor who was married to try and refute the statement. It would be no
help to you to try and find a "good murder" to refute the statement that all murder
is bad, because murder is by definition bad. Good
philosophy must be based on good arguments, not arguments in the sense of quarrels,
but reasoned arguments. Logic can be understood as the science of proper reasoning;
what separates a good argument from a bad one. A useful way to understand arguments
and what makes them good or bad is to divide them into two types: Deductive and
inductive. In a deductive argument, the conclusion is said to be true if
it follows from the premises (starting statements). The best known form of a deductive
argument is the syllogism, the simplest of which consists of two premises and
a conclusion: However
if the first premise was "Some philosophers are wise" we could not be sure that
Socrates was wise, as he may have been one of the philosophers who wasn't. Deductive
logic does not appeal to empirical evidence, so long as the premises are true
and the argument is valid then the conclusion must be true. Inductive logic
is concerned with making generalisations about the empirical world based on observation.
It is closely connected with experimental science (an experiment is a particular
type of observation). Let's say we were interested in the personality of people
with different astrological signs and we observed that Virgo's were tidy. We may
want to make a generalisation based on this. However, although our observations
may back up this generalisation we cannot be sure that it applies to all Virgo's,
only those we have observed. There may be Virgo's in the future, or in some other
country that are not like that. The
idea of determinism is that all events are the results of previous causes. If
we heated a bar of iron, and the bar expanded, we would say that the heat was
the cause of expansion. The idea of a physically determined universe is
associated with Sir Isaac Newton (1642-1727). This is sometimes called the billiard
ball view of nature: A billiard ball will only move when acted on by another force
such as another billiard ball hitting it. If we could measure the exact velocity
and angle of the first billiard ball, we could predict the movement of the second.
The philosophical problem comes with human beings. If we were to accept
the empirical view that human beings are organised systems of matter and that
our minds are formed as a result of experiences then we may want to explain human
behaviour in terms of cause and effect. If we knew enough about the biological
make up of an individual, his early childhood experiences and the social and historical
circumstances he was born into, then perhaps we could predict all of his actions.
From this point of view the idea of free will (the ability to choose) is simply
the result of or ignorance of all of the causal factors. This is as much
a problem for the present day as it was for the thinkers of the Enlightenment.
I may think that I am in love with a unique soul mate, but it may be that my body
is producing chemicals that make me fall in love in order that I reproduce the
species. If there is no such thing as free will then we cannot apply moral
concepts such as good and bad. Morality can only exist were there is choice, i.e.
that a person could have done otherwise. Of course, if we believe that
human nature is something other than the result of previous causes, then we may
argue that people do have responsibility for their actions. Immanuel Kant (1724-1804) is regarded as one of the most important
philosophers ever. A major figure of the Enlightenment he tried combine both rational
and empirical strands in his philosophy. He wrote on the natural sciences,
metaphysics (what reality is), morality and religion. He was impressed
with progress in the natural sciences following Newton and was concerned that
philosophy in contrast was muddled and filled with disagreement. His project was
to try and find if philosophy could say anything at all. He thought that
the role of philosophy was to uncover how human beings understand or categorise
the world. One of his conclusions is that we make sense of the world is through
categories such as space and time. We impose these categories on objects, and
they are a property of our understanding rather than properties of objects. In moral philosophy, he starts from the idea that all human
beings are rational and autonomous (free to make choices). From this starting
point he went on to say that universal moral laws are possible. (See
categorical imperative later). Kant
would have liked to have found a sound philosophical basis for belief in God,
however he found all philosophical attempts to prove Gods existence unsatisfactory
(See Philosophy and the proof
of God's existence). For Kant whether God exits
is a question of faith rather than reason. All
western Philosophy since the Enlightenment has been coloured by Kant, and philosophers
today are still actively engaged in debating his ideas. The romantic period emphasised the self, creativity, imagination
and the value of art. This is in contrast to the Enlightenment emphasis on Rationalism
and Empiricism. It roots can be found in the work of Jean-Jacques Rousseau
and Immanuel Kant. Philosophers and writers associated with the Romantic movement
include Johann Wolfgang von Goethe (1749-1832), Freidrich Wilhelm Joseph von Schelling
(1775-1854), and George Wilhelm Friedrich Hegel (1770-1831) in Germany; Samuel
Taylor Coleridge (1772-1834) and William Wordsworth (1770-1850) in Britain. Philosophically
romanticism represents a shift from the objective to the subjective: Science claims
to describe the objective world, the world understood from no particular viewpoint.
Imagine three people looking at a landscape, one is a farmer, another a property
developer and the third an artist. The farmer would see the potential for raising
crops and livestock, the property developer the chance to build houses and the
artist at the shades and subtleties of colour and form. None of these individuals
is seeing the landscape objectively; they are seeing it from a particular or subjective
viewpoint. The move from the objective to the subjective is a result of
Kant's idea that human beings do not see the world directly, but through a number
of categories. We do not directly see "things-in-themselves"; we only understand
the world through our human point of view. If we agree with Kant that we can never
know things-in-themselves, we may as well discard them. This leads to Idealism;
the belief that what we call the "external world" is somehow created by our minds.
The Enlightenment's emphasis on the empirical deterministic universe left
little room for the freedom and creativity of the human spirit. The romantic emphasis
on art and imagination is a direct critical reaction to the mechanical view of
some Enlightenment figures. The romantic emphasis on the individual was
reflected in ideas of self-realisation and nature. Wordsworth thought that the
individual could directly understand nature without the need for society and social
artifice, salvation is achieved by the solitary individual rather than through
political movements. "Man
was born free, and he is everywhere in chains" Rousseau wrote in 1762. He thought
that civilisation fills "man" with unnatural wants and seduces him away from his
true nature and original freedom. Rousseau is credited with the idea of the "Noble
Savage" who is uncorrupted by artifice and society. In "Émile" (1762)
he describes the education of a free being who is encouraged to develop through
self expression the natural nobility and liberty of the spirit. In the
"Social Contract"(1762) he attempts to describe a society in which this natural
nobility could flourish. The society would be based on a contract where each individual
would give all of his rights to the community, but all collective decisions would
be based on a direct democracy (a democracy where each member has a chance to
vote on every issue). As all are involved in decision making this contract is
seen as legitimate. The state is seen to represent the common good or the
general will. The general will is not to be confused with the "will of all": The
"will of all" is what individuals think they may want and includes selfish motives.
The "general will" however is what people would want if they were rational and
is seen as necessarily good. If an individual does not want to obey the
general will then he must be "forced to be free". Imagine a group of people attempting
to cross a bridge that is, unknown to them, weak and dangerous. The gatekeeper
refuses to let the group pass and they feel that their freedom is being curtailed
as they do not have a full understanding of the situation. The gatekeeper is forcing
them to be free; if they were not stopped then they may have perished on the weak
bridge. Rousseau likens this situation to the person who does not understand why
they should obey the general will. To obey what is best for all is to maximise
the freedom for each. Schelling agreed with Kant that the only objects we have direct
knowledge of is consciousness. The external world is seen as an adjunct to what
is most real: the mind. The way that the mind will come to full awareness of itself
is through art. Coleridge was interested in the psychology of artistic
creativity and was dissatisfied with the empiricist idea that the mind was merely
a passive absorber of impressions. After reading Schelling and other idealists,
he found a way to criticise the over mechanical view of the Enlightenment. The
mechanical view of the mind is atomistic: it is simply the sum of its experience.
Coleridge saw the mind more in organic terms; it functions more like an organism
than an engine. An organism can be creative, but it is difficult to see how an
engine could create poetry. Coleridge felt that his version of idealism
could be reconciled with his Christian beliefs, and that Kant's moral theories
(See later) were in tune with Christian sentiments. Coleridge thought that
intellectuals had an important role in disseminating culture in order to bring
society closer to a state of harmony. G.W.F.
Hegel was the most influential of the German idealist philosophers, perhaps the
most important philosopher since Kant. He became a professor at Heidelberg in
1816 and was Professor of Philosophy at Berlin from 1818 until his death in 1831.
Like other idealists, he agrees with Kant that the mind is not simply a
passive absorber of the external world, but actively organises it. As the mind
can not know things-in-themselves, what becomes the real is Geist: mind, spirit
or soul. As Hegel says, "The Real is the Rational and the Rational is the Real".
Hegel sees Geist developing through history, each period having a Zeitgeist
(spirit of the age). These stages will eventually reach the telos (Greek for "end")
of self-understanding, that is when Geist comes to know itself. It is only
when Geist comes to know itself that we can be free: it is only possible to be
free if we understand reality. If we do not understand reality we are not in a
position to make a free judgement, we struggle in vain against that which we do
not understand. For Hegel each person's individual consciousness or mind
is really part of the Absolute Mind, it is just that the individual does not realise
this. If we understood that we were part of a greater consciousness we would not
be so concerned with our individual freedom, we would agree with to act rationally
in a way that did not follow our individual caprice. By following the Real or
the Rational, each individual would achieve self-fulfilment. Philosophy in continental Europe, following Kant,
became increasingly idealistic. However Kant's remarks about science and technology
progressing, whilst philosophers still disagreed with each other about almost
every thing, could still be applied to the nineteenth century just as much as
to the eighteenth. Following Hegel two different interpretations of Hegelianism
spawned two different groups: the "Old Hegelians" who uncritically accepted Hegel's
views and the "Young Hegelians" who wanted to continue the revolution of ideas
using Hegel's dialectics (see later). Ludwig Feuerbach (1804-72) and Karl Marx
(1818-83) where the most influential of these. Whereas Hegel thought that
he had reconciled religion with his Idea of Absolute Mind, Feuerbach wanted to
see religion as an example of an alienated or estranged consciousness. For Feuerbach,
who wanted to resurrect something of empiricism and materialism in his philosophy,
religion is not a way of apprehending Geist; rather it is a reflection of the
way society is structured. For Feuerbach it is man who creates God in his
own image, and then falls down and worships his own creation. This notion of God
is that of an idealised human, and by removing these ideal qualities from ourselves
and projecting them onto a religious object, we are estranging or alienating ourselves
from our own essence or being. Marx, also a materialist, wanted to be more
radical than Feuerbach. Whilst Feuerbach saw religion as alienation and seemed
content to leave society as it was, Marx wanted to radicalise society; as he says:
"The philosophers have only interpreted the world in various ways; the point is
to change it." Hegel was not the only important post-Kantian Philosopher.
Arthur Schopenhauer (1788-1860) was a contemporary of Hegel. Schopenhauer became
a lecturer at the University of Berlin and decided to offer his lectures at the
same time as Hegel. As Hegel was the most famous philosopher of his age, it is
no surprise that Schopenhauer gained few students. Schopenhauer thought that the
ultimate reality is not Geist, but will. Schopenhauer was influential on
the young Friedrich Nietzsche (1844-1900) who developed the theme of will. For
Nietzsche the 'will to power' is the basic driving force of human nature and philosophy.
We could not imagine twentieth century psychoanalysis without the influence of
these two great thinkers. We can see then three competing themes in nineteenth
century philosophy: Idealism, Materialism and Will. As
we saw in the previous section Hegel thought Geist came to know itself through
the progression of history. He called this process "Dialectical". A dialectical
process is one in which a starting position (the thesis) proves to be inadequate
and so throws up it's opposite (the antithesis). Both of these positions are unsatisfactory,
and progress will only occur when a superior understanding (the synthesis) occurs.
A un-Hegalian example may help us to understand the dialectic. Lets suppose
that you have a motor bike, but only have a limited understanding of it. The point
of a motor bike is to enable you to travel (the thesis). You begin on your motor
bike in a state of ignorance; all you know is how to drive it. Sooner or later,
you will run out of fuel, the bike will stop: i.e. the opposite of going (the
antithesis). It is only when your understanding about the way that the motor bike
works includes the notion of refuelling (you achieve a synthesis and understand
the bike at a higher level) that you can get the thing to work. Marx took from Hegel the notion of dialectical
historical development, for Marx it was societies that were developing rather
than Geist. Marx asserts that he wants to start from the "real" empirical
world to produce a scientific understanding of history. History progresses through
a number of epochs, each epoch having a particular economic arrangement. Examples
of epochs include feudalism (the economy being based on land ownership) and capitalism
(characterised by wage labour and the existence of capital). Marx thought
that each epoch contains economic contradictions that could only be resolved by
a movement to a new economic form. In capitalism for example, there is the thesis
of growing productive forces (technology and the work place becoming more efficient).
Marx thought that the factory system would create unemployment and poverty as
an antithesis. It is only when a revolution takes place and replaces capitalism
with socialism that the synthesis takes place. Marx's most important contribution
to philosophy, rather than social theory, is his theory of ideology: that the
dominant ideas in every epoch reflect the economic system. In liberal capitalist
societies, the emphasis on notion of individual freedom is seen by Marx to be
a consequence of the economic free market. Individuals who have been seduced by
this notion are said to have "False Consciousness". For Schopenhauer
life itself is an expression of an ultimate force or energy, he called "will".
The self, he argues, is a manifestation of "will", although many of our motivations
are unknown to our conscious mind. This idea became known as the notion of the
"unconscious" which has been influential in Freudian and Jungian psychology. He
is often referred to as a philosopher of pessimism as he thinks that this "will"
has no purpose or aim: it is blind striving. His ideas are similar to Buddhism
as he feels that existence always entails suffering. There are three ways
that man can attempt to overcome this blind cosmic will and achieve salvation.
The first is to develop sympathy for others (a quality singularly lacking in Schopenhauer's
own life), secondly through the development philosophic understanding and thirdly
in the aesthetic contemplation of works of art. It is this last route which has
been most influential. For Nietzsche the "will to power" is the most basic
human drive, unlike Schopenhauer he thought that this will to power is a creative
force and that human beings will progress to a new level of being. Nietzsche
is critical of philosophy since the Greeks and of Christianity. He says that we
have separated two important aspects of ourselves: The "Dionysian" (celebratory
and unconscious) and the "Apollonian" (conscious and rational). It is only when
the creative individual expresses his will to power by synthesising these elements
the he can progress. Nietzsche is critical of any philosophy that claims
to show us a final truth. All "truths" for Nietzsche are interpretations of the
world, necessitated by biology. Language always approximates to reality; it is
through language that the will to power makes sense of its existence. To analyse means to break something down into its constituent
parts. Analytic philosophy attempts to clarify, by analysis, the meaning of statements
and concepts. Analytic philosophy has been important in the in the English speaking
academic world since the beginning of the 20th century. Following Kant a split
occurred between Anglo-American academic philosophy and the philosophy practised
on the European continent. 'Continental' philosophy took off in an Idealist direction
with Hegel, took an existentialist turn via Nietzsche and Heidegger and entered
a less certain phase with post-structuralism. Analytic philosophers on
the other hand, saw the German philosopher Gottlob Frege (1848-1925) as the most
important thinker since Kant. Frege wanted to put a rigorous logic at the heart
of philosophy. He was influential in the philosophy of mathematics, logic and
language. He thought that the basis for mathematics could be securely derived
from logic and that a rigorous analysis of the underlying logic of sentences would
enable us to judge their truth-value. The British philosopher Bertrand
Russell (1872-1970) combined Frege's logical insights with the influence of David
Hume's empiricism. Russell thought that the world was composed of 'atomic facts'.
Sentences, if they were to be meaningful, had to correspond to these atomic facts.
Ludwig Wittgenstein (1889-1951) studied under Russell, his early ideas influenced
the Vienna Circle and help form the logical positivism of the 1920's and 30's.
There is a radical break between the early and the later works of Wittgenstein.
In his earlier work Wittgenstein saw language as picturing the world, in his later
philosophy he understands language by using the metaphor of a game. This change
in direction spurred the development of 'Linguistic philosophy', in the mid 20th
century. Linguistic philosophers such as Gilbert Ryle (1900-76) thought many of
the traditional problems of philosophy could be dissolved by the careful study
of language as it is used. By the 1970's there was a growing dissatisfaction
with linguistic philosophy, and philosophers began to show more interest in the
philosophy of mind and the application of philosophical methods to wider issues
in politics, ethics and the nature of philosophy itself. Richard Rorty (1931-)
has used the methods of analytic philosophy to deconstruct its assumptions. Rorty
is influenced as much by Heidegger as he is by Wittgenstein, and his approach
echoes the ideas of the post-structuralists. It may be that the future will see
the concerns of 'analytic' and 'continental' philosophies converge. Bertrand Russell (1872-1970) began his
philosophical career as an Idealist, but was converted by G E Moore (1873-1958)
to a common sense empiricism. He worked with A N Whitehead (1861-1947) on the
philosophy of mathematics, where, like Frege, he attempted to show how mathematics
could be derived from logic. His work in logic led him to examine language. Russell
thought that the grammar of ordinary language was misleading. He thought that
the world was composed of atomic facts, and that propositions, if true, would
correspond to these atomic facts. One of the tasks of philosophy was to analyse
propositions to reveal their 'proper logical form'. Russell thought that
terms such as 'the average man' could lead to confusion. In the sentence, 'The
average woman has 2.6 children'; the term 'average woman' should be understood
as a logical construction. The term is not an atomic fact but a complex mathematical
statement relating the numbers of children to the numbers of women. Russell thought
that terms like 'the State' and 'Public Opinion' were also logical constructions
and that philosophers were mistaken in treating these concepts as though they
really existed. Wittgenstein
came to study under Russell in 1912 and contributed to the theory of logical atomism.
His Tractatus Logico-Philosophicus was published in 1921. In the Tractatus Wittgenstein
put forward the picture theory of meaning. A picture may mirror reality by showing
objects and arrangements of objects. Wittgenstein argued that sentences, if they
are to mean anything, must mirror reality in the same way that a picture does.
Sentences contain names that refer to objects or states of affairs in the world.
Like Russell, Wittgenstein thought that the surface grammar of statements disguised
their logical form. Through analysis a true statement would be shown to consist
in elementary particles which pictured the world and logical constants such as
'if', 'not', 'and' and 'or'. A sentence, which did not picture the world, was
devoid of meaning. If only statements which picture the world, i.e. statements
about facts, are meaningful then statements about ethics, religion and much of
philosophy are not, strictly speaking, meaningful. This applies as much to Wittgenstein's
ideas in the Tractatus as other philosophical ideas. As he says at the end of
the Tractatus, "My propositions serve as elucidations in the following way: anyone
who understands me eventually recognises them as nonsensical, when he has used
them - as steps - to climb up beyond them. He must, so to speak, throw away the
ladder after he has climbed up it." The Vienna Circle consisted of a group of philosophically
minded scientists and logicians. Moritz Schlick (1882-1936) was the official leader;
other members included Rudolf Carnap (1891-1970), Otto Neurath (1882-1945) and
Kurt Gödel (1906-78). The Circle was heavily influenced by the work of Frege
and Russell. Wittgenstein, although not a member of the group, discussed philosophy
with Schlick and Carnap. The group was active from the mid 1920's. However, the
combination of Schlick's assassination by a deranged student in 1936 and the growing
hostility of the Nazis forced the Circle to disperse. The
logical positivism that the Circle practised can be seen as a development of Wittgenstein's
Tractatus. Only verifiable statements were meaningful, as Schlick put it: "The
meaning of a proposition is the method of its verification". Anything that was
not empirically verifiable was meaningless. Statements about God, ethics, art
and metaphysics, were, for the Circle, literally nonsense. This emphasis on positivism
was a reaction against the romantic Idealism that had been influential in German
philosophy. The role of philosophy was no longer to outline the self-awareness
of Geist;
rather it was seen as a handmaiden to science, content simply to clarify concepts.
In
the 1930's, Wittgenstein became critical of his earlier picture theory of meaning.
In his latter work, he uses a tool metaphor for language: the meaning of a word
is no longer it's relation to some atomic fact: the meaning of a word is in its
use. We use language in a variety of ways, to talk about science, religion, art
and so on. The latter Wittgenstein does not agree with the logical positivists
that only scientific statements have meaning: science is only one way to talk
about the world, only one 'language game'. A language game reflects a human activity,
a form of life. As well as a scientific language game, we can participate in a
religious language game, an aesthetic language game and many others. Words derive
their meaning from the function they perform within the language game. Words
are no longer seen as having a particular essence, or to refer to a particular
object. A word may have a variety of usages: what these different usages have
in common Wittgenstein calls a 'family resemblance'. Members of a family bear
a resemblance to each other, but no two members of a family (apart from identical
twins) look exactly alike. The same is true for the use of words. The word 'game',
for example, is used to talk about board games, card games, Olympic games, soccer
games etc. These games do not hold one essential quality in common, rather there
are overlapping and criss-crossing similarities. Wittgenstein thought that
philosophical problems arise when "language goes on holiday", that is, when we
take a word and try to look at it in isolation from its language game. If we try
to define the essence of beauty or knowledge, rather than seeing how these concepts
are used in context, we will become confused. The job of philosophy for the latter
Wittgenstein is therapeutic: "The philosopher's treatment of a question, is like
the treatment of an illness". The "illness" in question is the bewitchment of
intelligence by language. Since
Wittgenstein's death there has been much discussion around Wittgenstein's assertion
that there could not be a 'private language'. Philosophy since Descartes began
from the assumption that the most secure knowledge is based on our private experience,
indeed Descartes distinction between the mental and the material rests on this
assumption. The British empiricist Hume also begins from the starting point of
the certainty of the individual's private experience. Wittgenstein sees
language as a rule governed social activity. Wittgenstein thought that it was
incomprehensible to imagine an individual creating their own private language.
How would this person know if, when they used a word, that they were using it
correctly? To rely on their own memory would be "as if someone were to buy several
copies of the morning newspaper to assure himself that what it said was true."
As this individual has no way of externally checking the way he is using a concept,
he cannot be said to be using a language. If a private language is not possible
then the rug has been pulled from under the feet of modern philosophy's Cartesian
foundations. Meaning is no longer understood as private or individual, but as
public and social. The individualistic first-person certainty which underlies
both rationalist and empiricist approaches to philosophy is shown to be in error.
Richard
Rorty (1931-) is an American philosopher who was trained in the analytic tradition.
Unlike many of his contemporaries, he has been influenced as much by Sartre and
Heidegger as by Wittgenstein. Rorty has been able to articulate the post-modern
concerns of 'continental philosophy' in the language game of Anglo-American academia.
Rorty argues that ever since Descartes' "invention of the mind" philosophy has
attempted to provide rock solid foundations for our understanding of the World.
Kant thought that we interpret the world through universal timeless categories.
The distinction was made between a mirroring non-natural mind and a mirrored natural
world. The purpose of philosophy was to expose the shape of this mirror. For
Rorty human understanding is not based some objective structure of 'mind'. Rather
we interpret the world through a variety of paradigms. If there is no objective
philosophical standpoint then the idea that philosophy should be seen as the "queen
of sciences", clarifying what counts as knowledge, is unsustainable. For Rorty
the aim of philosophers should be, "to help their readers, or society as a whole,
break free from outworn vocabularies and attitudes, rather than to provide 'grounding'
for the intuitions and customs of the present." 1879
Frege publishes "Begriffsschrift" 1910-13 Russell & Whitehead Publish
"Principia Mathematica" 1912 Wittgenstein comes to study with Russell at
Cambridge 1918-19 Russell lectures on Logical Atomism 1921 Wittgenstein
publishes "Tractatus Logico-Philosophicus" 1922 Schlick awarded chair of
Philosophy in Vienna, birth of the Vienna Circle 1925 Death of Frege 1929
Wittgenstein returns to Cambridge, resumes philosophy 1936 Murder of Schlick,
Vienna Circle disperses from continental Europe. 1949 Ryle publishes "The
Concept of Mind" 1951 Wittgenstein dies of cancer 1953 Posthumous
publishing of Wittgenstein's "Philosophical Investigations" 1970 Death
of Russell 1980 Richard Rorty publishes "Philosophy and the Mirror of Nature"
The Enlightenment
Rationalism
Empiricism
The Encyclopedists
The analytic/synthetic
distinction
Logic
Determinism
Kant
Romanticism
Jean-Jacques Rousseau
Art and Imagination: Schelling and Coleridge
Hegel and Geist
Idealism
Vs Materialism
Hegel's Dialectics
Marx's
Dialectical Materialism
From "Will"
to "Will to power" Schopenhauer and Nietzsche
Analytic
Philosophy
Bertrand
Russell: Logical Atomism
Ludwig Wittgenstein (1889-1951): Tractatus
The Vienna Circle: Logical
Positivism
Wittgenstein: Language Games
The Private Language Argument
Richard Rorty: Philosophy and the Mirror of Nature
Timeline